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Law.
Nonfiction.
The Law was originally published as a pamphlet in French in 1850 by Frederic Bastiat. It is his most famous work and was written two years after the third French Revolution of 1848. It defines, through development, a just system of laws and then demonstrates how such law facilitates a free society. Bastiat was a French classical liberal theorist, political economist, and member of the French assembly. He was notable for developing the important economic concept of opportunity cost. He was the author of many works on economics and political economy, generally characterized by their clear organization, forceful argumentation, and acerbic wit. Born in Bayonne, Aquitaine, France, Bastiat was orphaned at nine and became a ward of his paternal grandparents. At 17, he left school to work in his family's export business. Economist Thomas DiLorenzo suggests that this experience was crucial to Bastiat's later work since it allowed young Frederic to acquire first-hand knowledge of how regulation can affect markets. When Bastiat was 25, his grandfather died, leaving the young man the family estate, thereby providing him with the means to further his theoretical inquiries. After the middle-class Revolution of 1830, Bastiat became politically active and was elected justice of the peace in 1831 and to the Council General in 1832. He was elected to the national legislative assembly after the French Revolution of 1848. His public career as an economist began in 1844 and was cut short by his untimely death in 1850.… (mere)
De todos os pensadores liberais, o deputado, jornalista e economista francês Fréderic Bastiat (1801-1850) é um dos mais antigos e com certeza um dos mais brilhantes. Bastiat escreveu "A Lei" como contraponto aos excessos socialistas em que a França estava caindo naquela época. Como muita gente aqui no Brasil, em pleno século 21, os franceses de sua época ainda acreditavam que o governo deve ser responsável por tudo o que diz respeito aos seus cidadãos, inclusive a restrição à liberdade com base na força da lei. Os argumentos de Bastiat contra essa ingênua ideia são tão relevantes para a Brasil hoje quanto foram para a França em seu tempo. O ebook "A Lei" é um grito de liberdade que todo brasileiro deveria ler.
Este livro foi escrito num período da história quando algumas das mais proeminentes nações do mundo experimentavam visões de governos próximas às socialistas, que na teoria prometiam igualdade e prosperidade, mas, na prática, resultaram no exato oposto. Como essas visões ainda acalentam o sonho de muitas pessoas, tal análise continua tão pertinente como foi há 166 anos. Frédéric Bastiat conseguiu antever, quase como um profeta – quando Marx apenas divulgava o que seriam as bases de O Capital –, toda a sorte de equívocos que aquelas visões carregavam e criou esse manifesto para desmascarar aqueles que defendem a ideia de dar mais poder ao Estado: os intervencionistas, os planejadores, os protecionistas e os socialistas. A Lei – Porque a esquerda não funciona, traz uma reflexão prática sobre ideias de filósofos e outros pensadores acerca da política e da vida em sociedade, dentre eles John Locke e Adam Smith, e trata de temas como liberdade, direitos à propriedade, espoliação, igualdade, livre iniciativa, impostos, democracia, sufrágio universal, autoritarismo e tantos outros que, passados quase dois séculos, ainda provocam debates acalorados. Desde quando seu livro foi publicado, em 1850, os planejadores e os socialistas vieram a controlar cerca da metade do mundo, o que resultou não apenas em opressão e miséria como previsto por Bastiat, mas na morte de mais de cem milhões de seres humanos*; por outro lado, os países que se tornaram ricos foram aqueles que mais apostaram na liberdade. Este livro teve o melhor destino que um livro teórico pode alcançar: a prática provou que estava certo, em um grau muito maior do que seu autor poderia imaginar. É impossível, com tantos dados e tentativas práticas, negar as qualidades bastante superiores do caminho liberal na promoção da riqueza, da dignidade e do bem-estar. A Lei é o melhor caminho para começar a compreender isso.
Summary: Small government is good government. I mean really small. You should pretty much trust individual people and groups unregulated by law to take care of most of the stuff the current Australian Government does on our/their behalf.
Things I liked:
Interesting argument
Plenty of examples/quotes
Amusing, kind of sarcastic style.
Things I thought could be improved:
Could have spent more time identifying and engaging opposing ideas.
Probably would have been good to to acknowledge some weaknesses in his arguments or unanswered questions requiring further investigation (he came off as a bit of know it all).
Highlight:
Probably the bit where he says our mistake isn't in admiring the leaders in the past, its in thinking we can't do any better. ( )
Oplysninger fra den engelske Almen VidenRedigér teksten, så den bliver dansk.
The law perverted!
La loi pervertie !
Citater
Oplysninger fra den engelske Almen VidenRedigér teksten, så den bliver dansk.
Il faut le dire : il y a trop de grands hommes dans le monde ; il y a trop de législateurs, organisateurs, instituteurs de sociétés, conducteurs de peuples, pères des nations, etc. Trop de gens se placent au dessus de l'humanité pour la régenter, trop de gens font métier de s'occuper d'elle.
Life, faculties, production – in other words, individuality, liberty, property – this is man. And in spite of the cunning of artful political leaders, these three gifts from God precede all human legislation, and are superior to it. Life, liberty, and property do not exist because men have made laws. On the contrary, it was the fact that life, liberty, and property existed beforehand that caused men to make laws in the first place.
It is impossible to introduce into society a greater change and a greater evil than this: the conversion of the law into an instrument of plunder.
But how is this legal plunder to be identified? Quite simply. See if the law takes from some persons what belongs to them, and gives it to other persons to whom it does not belong. See if the law benefits one citizen at the expense of another by doing what the citizen himself cannot do without committing a crime.
No legal plunder: This is the principle of justice, peace, order, stability, harmony, and logic. Until the day of my death, I shall proclaim this principle with all the force of my lungs (which alas! is all too inadequate).
Try to imagine a regulation of labor imposed by force that is not a violation of liberty; a transfer of wealth imposed by force that is not a violation of property. If you cannot reconcile these contradictions, then you must conclude that the law cannot organize labor and industry without organizing injustice.
Socialism, like the ancient ideas from which it springs, confuses the distinction between government and society. As a result of this, every time we object to a thing being done by government, the socialists conclude that we object to its being done at all. We disapprove of state education. Then the socialists say that we are opposed to any education. We object to a state religion. Then the socialists say that we want no religion at all. We object to a state-enforced equality. Then they say that we are against equality. And so on, and so on. It is as if the socialists were to accuse us of not wanting persons to eat because we do not want the state to raise grain.
If the natural tendencies of mankind are so bad that it is not safe to permit people to be free, how is it that the tendencies of these organizers are always good? Do not the legislators and their appointed agents also belong to the human race? Or do they believe that they themselves are made of a finer clay than the rest of mankind?
It seems to me that this is theoretically right, for whatever the question under discussion—whether religious, philosophical, political, or economic; whether it concerns prosperity, morality, equality, right, justice, progress, responsibility, cooperation, property, labor, trade, capital, wages, taxes, population, finance, or government—at whatever point on the scientific horizon I begin my researches, I invariably reach this one conclusion: The solution to the problems of human relationships is to be found in liberty.
Sidste ord
Oplysninger fra den engelske Almen VidenRedigér teksten, så den bliver dansk.
And now that the legislators and do-gooders have so futilely inflicted so many systems upon society, may they finally end where they should have begun: May they reject all systems, and try liberty; for liberty is an acknowledgment of faith in God and His works.
Et puisqu'on a vainement infligé au corps social tant de systèmes, qu'on finisse par là où l'on aurait dû commencer, qu'on repousse les systèmes, qu'on mette enfin à l'épreuve la Liberté, - la Liberté, qui est un acte de foi en Dieu et en son oeuvre.
Law.
Nonfiction.
The Law was originally published as a pamphlet in French in 1850 by Frederic Bastiat. It is his most famous work and was written two years after the third French Revolution of 1848. It defines, through development, a just system of laws and then demonstrates how such law facilitates a free society. Bastiat was a French classical liberal theorist, political economist, and member of the French assembly. He was notable for developing the important economic concept of opportunity cost. He was the author of many works on economics and political economy, generally characterized by their clear organization, forceful argumentation, and acerbic wit. Born in Bayonne, Aquitaine, France, Bastiat was orphaned at nine and became a ward of his paternal grandparents. At 17, he left school to work in his family's export business. Economist Thomas DiLorenzo suggests that this experience was crucial to Bastiat's later work since it allowed young Frederic to acquire first-hand knowledge of how regulation can affect markets. When Bastiat was 25, his grandfather died, leaving the young man the family estate, thereby providing him with the means to further his theoretical inquiries. After the middle-class Revolution of 1830, Bastiat became politically active and was elected justice of the peace in 1831 and to the Council General in 1832. He was elected to the national legislative assembly after the French Revolution of 1848. His public career as an economist began in 1844 and was cut short by his untimely death in 1850.
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