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Indlæser... I Alone Can Fix It: Donald J. Trump's Catastrophic Final Year (original 2021; udgave 2021)| 432 | 19 | 57,874 | 
(4.22) | 13 | Politics.
Nonfiction.
HTML: The instant #1 New York Times bestseller | A Washington Post Notable Book | One of NPR's Best Books of 2021
The definitive behind-the-scenes story of Trump's final year in office, by Phil Rucker and Carol Leonnig, the Pulitzer-Prize winning reporters and authors of A Very Stable Genius.
??Chilling.? ?? Anderson Cooper
??Jaw-dropping.? ?? John Berman
??Shocking.? ?? John Heilemann
??Explosive.? ?? Hallie Jackson
??Blockbuster new reporting.? ?? Nicolle Wallace
??Bracing new revelations.? ?? Brian Williams
??Bombshell reporting.? ?? David Muir The true story of what took place in Donald Trump??s White House during a disastrous 2020 has never before been told in full. What was really going on around the president, as the government failed to contain the coronavirus and over half a million Americans perished? Who was influencing Trump after he refused to concede an election he had clearly lost and spread lies about election fraud? To answer these questions, Phil Rucker and Carol Leonnig reveal a dysfunctional and bumbling presidency??s inner workings in unprecedented, stunning detail. Focused on Trump and the key players around him??the doctors, generals, senior advisers, and Trump family members?? Rucker and Leonnig provide a forensic account of the most devastating year in a presidency like no other. Their sources were in the room as time and time again Trump put his personal gain ahead of the good of the country. These witnesses to history tell the story of him longing to deploy the military to the streets of American cities to crush the protest movement in the wake of the killing of George Floyd, all to bolster his image of strength ahead of the election. These sources saw firsthand his refusal to take the threat of the coronavirus seriously??even to the point of allowing himself and those around him to be infected. This is a story of a nation sabotaged??economically, medically, and politically??by its own leader, culminating with a groundbreaking, minute-by-minute account of exactly what went on in the Capitol building on January 6, as Trump??s supporters so easily breached the most sacred halls of American democracy, and how the president reacted. With unparalleled access, Rucker and Leonnig explain and expose exactly who enabled??and who foiled??Trump as he sought desperately to cling to power. A classic and heart-racing work of investigative reporting, this … (mere) |
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Oplysninger fra den engelske Almen Viden Redigér teksten, så den bliver dansk. We never anticipated we would write a second book about Donald Trump's time in the White House. (Authors' Note) On January 20, 2017, Donald John Trump became president, unskilled in the machinery of government and unmoved morally by the calling of the position, but aglow in his unmatched power. (Prologue) President Trump rang in 2020 at Mar-a-Lago, the landmark mansion in Palm Beach built nearly a century ago by Marjorie Merriweather Post, at his member-only social club's annual New Year's Eve gala. Seventy days had passed since Donald Trump left Washington against his will. (Epilogue) | |
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Oplysninger fra den engelske Almen Viden Redigér teksten, så den bliver dansk. On January 20, 2017, Donald John Trump became president, unskilled in the machinery of government and unmoved morally by the calling of the position, but aglow in his unmatched power. The first three years of Trump’s term revealed a presidency of one, in which the universal value was loyalty—not to the country, but to the president himself. Scandal, bluster, and uninhibited chaos reigned. Decisions were driven by a reflexive logic of self-preservation and self-aggrandizement. Delusions born of narcissism and insecurity overtook reality. He displayed his ignorance, his rash temper, his pettiness and pique, his malice and cruelty, his utter absence of empathy, his narcissism, his transgressive personality, his disloyalty, his sense of victimhood, his addiction to television, his suspicion and silencing of experts, and his deception and lies. Each trait thwarted the response of the world’s most powerful nation to a lethal threat. Trump’s incessant complaining ran counter to what had long been a core tenet of the Republican Party: personal responsibility. Yet Trump’s strategy of self-victimization yoked him to his supporters, who similarly felt disrespected by elites in Washington and felt wronged by the fast-changing global economy. Trump, however, principally governed for a minority of the country—his hard-core political supporters—and chose neither to try to unite the nation nor to reimagine a postpandemic America. “In so many ways, Donald Trump represents the death rattle of an old America, and it’s loud and it’s violent.” Trump didn’t want sick Americans landing on U.S. soil, even if they were working for the State Department, or else the government would have to report a rise in infections, and that would make the public—the voters—nervous. When asked by NBC’s Kristen Welker if he took any responsibility for the slow rate of testing, Trump replied, “No, I don’t take responsibility at all.” "If you don’t dominate, you’re wasting your time. They’re going to run all over you, you’ll look like a bunch of jerks. You have to dominate, and you have to arrest people, and you have to try people and they have to go to jail for long periods of time.” The attacks on Fauci’s character and credibility were an unmistakable indication that the president himself wanted to see Fauci’s sterling public image tarnished. Trump was jealous that so many Americans trusted and admired Fauci to guide them through the pandemic. He was upset that this horrific catastrophe had produced as its national hero the doctor from Brooklyn and not the president from Queens. Louis DeJoy achieved a breakthrough on August 1. More than six hundred massive mail-sorting machines, about 10 percent of those in operation, would be decommissioned starting that day...the agency had never removed so many machines at once...The 671 machines to be removed were spread around the country, but located primarily in high-population areas, and together they had the capacity to sort 21.4 million pieces of mail per hour. Because Trump had been beating his drum to assail mail-in balloting—assuming more Democrats would vote by mail than Republicans and therefore the practice would benefit Biden—the union’s filing raised genuine fears that DeJoy was explicitly aiming to prevent votes for Biden from being counted on time. Voting rights activists accused DeJoy of disenfranchising voters with his handiwork. “The slowdown is another tool in the toolbox of voter suppression,” said Celina Stewart, senior director of advocacy and litigation with the nonpartisan League of Women Voters. The Postal Service sent a separate and more urgent warning to forty states—which included such key battlegrounds as Florida, Michigan, and Pennsylvania—that their published timetables for voters to return completed ballots did not afford the Postal Service enough time to ensure their delivery. The bottom line: potentially tens of millions of voters were now at risk of not having their votes counted. That any official needed to affirm that an orderly transition of power would take place meant the United States was in uncharted territory. Never had an incumbent president refused to accept the results of an election or obstructed the peaceful transfer of power. “Where are all of the arrests? Can you imagine if the roles were reversed? Long term sentences would have started two years ago. Shameful!” Trump decided to host his party in the East Room and other overflow rooms along the Cross Hall of the White House. The choice of location broke with a solemn tradition of never using the White House for overt political purposes, a norm Trump had already tossed aside in August by holding his Republican National Convention acceptance speech on the South Lawn. The House Speaker recalled thinking that night about Trump’s surprise victory, “It can’t be true. It can’t be happening to our country.” Pelosi added, “You understand that this is not a person of sound mind. You understand that. You know that. He’s not of sound mind. . . . Watching from California, Romney was heartsick. “We’re in a global battle for the survival of liberal democracy in the face of autocracy and autocratic regimes attempting to dominate the world,” he recalled in the interview. “So saying something and doing things that would suggest that in the free nation of the United States of America and the model of democracy for the world, that we can’t have a free and fair election would have a destructive effect on democracy around the world, not just to mention here.” Patriotically and constitutionally that a president of the United States would say what he said and that there wouldn’t be an intervention from his side,” Pelosi said. “We knew there was real trouble ahead.” But near the end of Trump’s term, some in the White House were urging him to pull out of Afghanistan as quickly as possible, to deliver on a campaign promise he made to end the “endless” wars before his term was up. Pentagon leaders worried about a Saigon situation, with a chaotic last-minute exit and desperate people rushing to a rooftop to catch the last helicopter out. After Biden was declared president-elect on November 7, his transition team was set to begin work on Monday, November 9. But the Trump administration refused to formally authorize the transition. This is normally a perfunctory acknowledgment made by the General Services Administration, but the GSA’s Trump-appointed administrator, Emily Murphy, would not sign a letter of ascertainment recognizing that Biden was the presumptive president-elect. Murphy’s defiance—in alignment with Trump’s refusal to concede to Biden and Meadows’s insistence that the election was still being contested—created the first transition delay in modern history, other than in 2000 due to George W. Bush and Al Gore’s genuine contest in the Florida recount. Trump continued to push this conspiracy as well as others. “Sometimes he would show mental awareness that some of this stuff must be bullshit,” recalled one senior presidential adviser. But then, like clockwork, Trump would retweet the claims to his followers. He repeated a false claim by Texas lieutenant governor Dan Patrick that no court has yet judged any of Trump’s legal challenges “on its merit.” The problem was the courts decided most of the cases had no merit and no evidence to consider. ...by this point in his presidency, according to one legal tally, 88 percent of pardons went to people who had personal ties to the president or who furthered his political aims. Reading from a carefully prepared text, McConnell said, “The Constitution gives us here in Congress a limited role. We cannot simply declare ourselves a National Board of Elections on steroids. The voters, the courts, and the states have all spoken. They’ve all spoken. If we overrule them, it would damage our republic forever. This election, actually, was not unusually close. Just in recent history, 1976, 2000 and 2004 were all closer than this one. The electoral college margin is almost identical to what it was in 2016. [If] this election were overturned by mere allegations from the losing side, our democracy would enter a death spiral. We’d never see the whole nation accept an election again. Every four years would be a scramble for power at any cost.” Only the top official at the Pentagon could make that order. A few days earlier, Chris Miller, the acting defense secretary, had signed a memo instructing that only he could approve use of the D.C. National Guard, an apparent hangover from the intense criticism Defense Department leaders had received the previous June for the military’s role in the clearing of Lafayette Square. Sund was pleading for help. He had just told Piatt and Flynn that armed rioters had breached the Capitol and that shots had been fired inside the building. And they were talking about optics and planning duty assignments. One hundred twenty-one House members, nearly two thirds of the Republican conference, voted against counting Arizona’s votes, and even more, 138, voted against counting Pennsylvania’s. Pelosi could hardly believe it. “That they, in the middle of the night, would say, ‘We still want to [object to] Pennsylvania,’ just showed you the total cavalier disregard they had for our country,” she recalled. They weren’t beholden to country, she said, but to Trump, “this insane person spreading this insanity.” Maybe the House Republicans feared him, maybe they agreed with him, Pelosi said, “or they were just in a cult.” This was one of the central characteristics of so many of Trump’s advisers, their readiness to find someone or something else to blame for Trump’s actions. This was one of the traits that had led Trump to the White House on full display: his extraordinary capacity to say things that were not true. He always seemed to have complete conviction in whatever product he was selling or argument he was making. He had an uncanny ability to say with a straight face, things are not as you’ve been told or even as you’ve seen with your own eyes. He could commit to a lie in the frame of his body and in the timbre of his voice so fully, despite all statistical and even video evidence to the contrary. | |
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Ingen ▾Bogbeskrivelser Politics.
Nonfiction.
HTML:The instant #1 New York Times bestseller | A Washington Post Notable Book | One of NPR's Best Books of 2021
The definitive behind-the-scenes story of Trump's final year in office, by Phil Rucker and Carol Leonnig, the Pulitzer-Prize winning reporters and authors of A Very Stable Genius.
??Chilling.? ?? Anderson Cooper
??Jaw-dropping.? ?? John Berman
??Shocking.? ?? John Heilemann
??Explosive.? ?? Hallie Jackson
??Blockbuster new reporting.? ?? Nicolle Wallace
??Bracing new revelations.? ?? Brian Williams
??Bombshell reporting.? ?? David Muir
The true story of what took place in Donald Trump??s White House during a disastrous 2020 has never before been told in full. What was really going on around the president, as the government failed to contain the coronavirus and over half a million Americans perished? Who was influencing Trump after he refused to concede an election he had clearly lost and spread lies about election fraud? To answer these questions, Phil Rucker and Carol Leonnig reveal a dysfunctional and bumbling presidency??s inner workings in unprecedented, stunning detail.
Focused on Trump and the key players around him??the doctors, generals, senior advisers, and Trump family members?? Rucker and Leonnig provide a forensic account of the most devastating year in a presidency like no other. Their sources were in the room as time and time again Trump put his personal gain ahead of the good of the country. These witnesses to history tell the story of him longing to deploy the military to the streets of American cities to crush the protest movement in the wake of the killing of George Floyd, all to bolster his image of strength ahead of the election. These sources saw firsthand his refusal to take the threat of the coronavirus seriously??even to the point of allowing himself and those around him to be infected. This is a story of a nation sabotaged??economically, medically, and politically??by its own leader, culminating with a groundbreaking, minute-by-minute account of exactly what went on in the Capitol building on January 6, as Trump??s supporters so easily breached the most sacred halls of American democracy, and how the president reacted. With unparalleled access, Rucker and Leonnig explain and expose exactly who enabled??and who foiled??Trump as he sought desperately to cling to power.
A classic and heart-racing work of investigative reporting, this ▾Biblioteksbeskrivelser af bogens indhold No library descriptions found. ▾LibraryThingmedlemmers beskrivelse af bogens indhold |
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