[Graeber talked to an economist from one of the Bretton Woods institutions “(It is probably better not to say which one)”, about how the government deals with corporate fraud. The economist tells him that they prefer to settle rather than go to trial, usually for 20% - 30% of the amount of the fraud.]

ME: Which means . . . correct me if I'm wrong, but doesn't that effectively mean the government is saying, “You can commit all the fraud you like, but if we catch you, you're going to have to give us our cut”?

OFFICIAL: Well, obviously I can't put it that way myself as long as I have this job . . . (Introduction: “The Iron Law of Liberalism and the Era of Total Bureaucratization”, pp. 25-26 (Melville House, 2015))

First of all, they assume that the “public” is an entity with opinions, interests and allegiances that can be treated as relatively consistent over time. (1. “Dead Zones of the Imagination,” p. 98 (Melville House, 2015))

First of all, they assume that the “public” is an entity with opinions, interests and allegiances that can be treated as relatively consistent over time. (1. “Dead Zones of the Imagination,” p. 98 (Melville House, 2015))

To illustrate what I mean, consider that in English-speaking nations, the same collection of referred to in one context as the “public” can in another be referred to as the “workforce.” [. . . ] The “public” does not work [. . .] It is especially odd since the public does apparently have to go to work: this is why leftist critics often complain, the media will always talk about how, say, a transport strike is likely to inconvenience the public, in their capacity as commuters, but it will never occur to them that those striking are themselves part of the public – or that if they succeed in raising wage levels, this will be a public benefit. (1. “Dead Zones of the Imagination,” p. 98 (Melville House, 2015))