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Eric Hobsbawm (1917–2012)

Forfatter af The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991

126+ Works 16,274 Members 139 Reviews 36 Favorited

Om forfatteren

Eric Hobsbawm is a neo-Marxist historian of the Industrial Revolution who pays particular attention to the inequities toward the lower classes, especially in law and politics. (Bowker Author Biography)


Værker af Eric Hobsbawm

The Age of Revolution, 1789-1848 (1962) 2,449 eksemplarer
The Age of Empire, 1875-1914 (1987) 1,793 eksemplarer
The Age of Capital, 1848-1875 (1975) — Forfatter — 1,772 eksemplarer
The Invention of Tradition (1983) — Redaktør — 907 eksemplarer
On History (1997) 550 eksemplarer
How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism (2011) — Forfatter — 374 eksemplarer
On the Edge of the New Century (1999) 364 eksemplarer
Revolutionaries (1973) 288 eksemplarer
Captain Swing (1968) 247 eksemplarer
The Jazz Scene (1960) 128 eksemplarer
Workers: Worlds of Labor (1984) 76 eksemplarer
The French Revolution (1995) 48 eksemplarer
Trilogía Hobsbawm (2000) 33 eksemplarer
1968 Magnum Throughout the World (1998) 28 eksemplarer
On Nationalism (2021) 27 eksemplarer
Guerra y paz en el siglo XXI (2007) 13 eksemplarer
History of Marxism, v. 3 (1997) 11 eksemplarer
History of Marxism, v.4 (1978) 8 eksemplarer
Sobre el nacionalismo (2021) 8 eksemplarer
Marx et l'Histoire (2010) 7 eksemplarer
Historia del marxismo (1979) 7 eksemplarer
La fine dello Stato (2007) 7 eksemplarer
Historia del marxismo (1979) 5 eksemplarer
Imperialismi (2007) 4 eksemplarer
Guerra y paz en el siglo XXI (2012) 3 eksemplarer
Histoire économique et sociale de la Grande-Bretagne (0197) — Forfatter — 3 eksemplarer
Tuhaf Zamanlar (2006) 3 eksemplarer
História do Marxismo - Volume 7 (1983) 3 eksemplarer
Gelenegin Icadi (2006) 2 eksemplarer
El sentido de Europa 2 eksemplarer
Historia do Marxismo 5 (1984) 2 eksemplarer
El Optimismo de la Voluntad (2003) 2 eksemplarer
Los campesinos y la política (1976) 2 eksemplarer
História do Marxismo - Volume 6 (1989) 2 eksemplarer
Storia del Marxismo 1 eksemplar
Eskiyalar (2011) 1 eksemplar
Tarih Uzerine (2009) 1 eksemplar
Marxism & anarchism 1 eksemplar
Historia del marxismo. 2 (1980) 1 eksemplar
Tarih Üzerine 1 eksemplar

Associated Works

Det kommunistiske manifest (1848)nogle udgaver15,082 eksemplarer
Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, volume I: The Process of Capitalist Production (1867) — Introduktion, nogle udgaver2,825 eksemplarer
The Condition of the Working Class in England (1844) — Introduktion, nogle udgaver1,094 eksemplarer
The Antonio Gramsci Reader: Selected Writings 1916-1935 (1988) — Introduktion — 350 eksemplarer
Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations (1964) — Introduktion, nogle udgaver203 eksemplarer
The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism (1953) — Bidragyder — 161 eksemplarer
Crisis in Europe 1560-1660 (1965) — Bidragyder — 98 eksemplarer
Visions of History (1983) — Bidragyder — 60 eksemplarer
Antonio Gramsci, 1891-1937 (2005) — Introduktion — 56 eksemplarer
Aspects of history and class consciousness (1971) — Bidragyder — 33 eksemplarer
Dispatches from the Revolution: Russia 1916-1918 (1997) — Introduktion, nogle udgaver20 eksemplarer
The Standard of living in Britain in the Industrial Revolution (1975) — Bidragyder — 10 eksemplarer
Essays in labour history (1960) — Bidragyder — 9 eksemplarer
The Analog Sea Review: Number Four (2022) — Bidragyder — 2 eksemplarer
The Power of the past : essays for Eric Hobsbawm (1984) — Honoree — 2 eksemplarer
Welsh history review, vol. 8, no. 1, June 1976 (1976) — Reviewer — 2 eksemplarer

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This is an expansive book covering most aspects of social and political life across a vastly complicated and consequential period of time, so it is perhaps unavoidable that it only skirts the surface of many topics. Hobsbawm says so himself in the foreword, namely that the book is meant for the average reader interested in history, and can’t be expected (thankfully) to wade into the academic weeds on every topic. What this book is good at is a kind of outline of how our modern economic and political system erupted over the world in the early 19th century. It traces the origins of a system (liberal capitalism) that can sometimes feel like it’s always been the way we have lived - Hobsbawm reminds us how far from the truth this is, the capitalist world is a relatively new one, and in many ways we are still wrangling with the changes it wrought 200 years later. To me, this is the the study of history’s most important purpose and the source of its radical potential; things haven’t always been this way and there are clear reasons as to how we ended up where we are.

Coming to this book as a member of the intended audience (average reader
… (mere)
hdeanfreemanjr | 28 andre anmeldelser | Jan 29, 2024 |
Due volumi per raccogliere i saggi scritti per il Simposio "Il ruolo di Marx nello sviluppo del pensiero scientifico contemporaneo" con gli auspici dell'UNESCO a Parigi l'8-10 maggio 1968 a cura del Consiglio internazionale per la filosofia e le scienze umane e dal Consiglio internazionale di scienze sociali per il 150° anniversario della nascita di Karl Marx. Il primo è su filosofia e metodologa e il secondo su sociologia ed economia. Il primo volume conserva la sua freschezza e si possono leggere tutte le faglie che attraversano il marxismo negli anni che portano al '68, in specie per il rapporto con lo strutturalismo.… (mere)
anamorfo | Dec 16, 2023 |
Third in Hobsbawm's series about the history of the modern world, the period covered here is from the latter part of the 19th century up to the outbreak of the Great War.
As indicated by the title, this was the era in which the dominance of Britain broke down and a number of peers engaged in imperialist competition, building their own empires. The upshot was the end to both free trade and the dominance of liberalism, replaced by protectionism in economics and increasingly facing both nationalism and socialism in the political sphere as political democracy gained ground. All of this was obviously central to the outbreak of the war - a major turning point in world history.
The first half of the period saw a deep depression for world capitalism, paradoxically leading to an accelerated increase in living standards. This was succeeded by what has been regarded as the "Belle Epoque" - mainly by elites - where their profits returned.
Much of this was new to me and I learned a lot - but this time I felt that things began to drag a little as Hobsbawm switched from the economic to social sphere - dealing with changes for women, in philosophy, in science and so forth. Additionally as we move towards the Russian Revolution, the authors biases are obvious - in what he does not say as much as what he does. This stuff is of more interest from the point of view of historiography than of history. And when I get to the last volume which covers the bulk of the 20th century, I suspect that will be my general feeling on that as well.
… (mere)
mmcgahon82 | 8 andre anmeldelser | Nov 22, 2023 |
"The Duke of Wellington later boasted of having hunted down Hampshire rioters like game or cattle:

I induced the magistrates to put themselves on horseback, each at the head of his own servants and retainers, grooms, huntsmen, game keepers, armed with horsewhips, pistols, fowling pieces and what they could get and to attack, in concert, if necessary, or singly, those mobs, disperse them, and take and put in confinement those who could not escape. This was done in a spirited manner, in many instances, and it is astonishing how soon the country was tranquillised, and that in the best way, by the activity and spirit of gentlemen"

Lord Melbourne said:

"[Threshing] machines are as much entitled to the Protection of the Law as any other Description of Property and... the course which has been taken of prescribing or recommending the Discontinuance of them is, in fact, to connive at, or rather to assist in the Establishment of a Tyranny of the most oppressive Character"

paints a really clear and depressing picture of the sufferings of the agricultural labourer by 1830 through a combination of higher prices, enclosed common land, a drive to rationalise and economise on the part of the farmers, the stripping of customary rights, the moving of wages onto a weekly, daily or even hourly payment.

talks about how many of the rebels still believed in higher authority and thought that the king and parliament might be on their side against their problems and local gentry. their demands were generally for restoration of rights and never went as radical as demands for land. they also made use of traditional rituals and were often part revel, including requests for the rich to give money which was twisted into "extortion" by prosecutors.

it's funny also how there was a desperate search for agitators to explain the revolt rather than looking at the actual awful conditions experienced which made people rise up independently

the poor law which subsidised wages is shown as contributing by making employers pay next to nothing and forcing labourers into only having whatever subsistence wages the gentry thought best, which was usually tiny.

Probably the big thing about this book is it's very focused on using statistics and describing specific incidents - it's not a "narrative" history. It's divided into
- a section describing the economic and social conditions of labourers in the years leading up to 1830 along with a potted history
- a section that describes the spread of the riots in each region and each incident that happened on what date
- an analysis of what factors correlated with riots, what social classes were on which side, who was responsible for things like arsons, machine breakings and the threatening Swing letters
- a section detailing what sort of repression was involved, the punishments meted out, what happened to those transported to Australia, and what the aftermath was

One of the interesting things is how often farmers stood tentatively on the side of the farm labourers, trying to turn their demands into attacks on rents/taxes/tithes, sometimes directly supporting attacks on the clergy in their homes. It's also mentioned that many farmers were happy for the general smashing of machines - threshing machines were expensive with a small increase in profitability and made the poor rates more expensive for everyone because of the reduction in labour yet it was hard to stop their use because 1 single farmer might gain an advantage from it, so stopping any voluntary agreement. It's very Marx-like. The generalised smashing of the machines provided a neat solution.

There is a LOT of data given and attempted analysis of it, although the analysis feels pretty limited? They admit in the introduction that they couldn't do as much as they wanted, if only for manpower reasons because there's so much to sift through for even parts of counties, and it was written in 1969 so obviously there was far less access to data analysis tools etc. It'd be very interesting to read something that also was aimed at an audience like this one that took the data much further. The data is definitely interesting, just harder to make something of when there's so much of it and not necessarily always in the most useful form.

Still, there's enough narrative to make sense of it all - there's no attempt to like "liven it up" but the details of the specific events mentioned are often really interesting and fascinating and give it depth/character because these are often named people with some details about their lives. Reading details of people from Kintbury confronting the local grandees is inspiring - one of the leaders says

You and the gentleman have been living upon all the good things for the last ten years. We have suffered enough, and now is our time, and we will now have it. You only speak to us now because you are afraid and intimidated

The section on Australia provides some interesting detail about how the transportation system worked, although it's a bit too heavy on just dates and numbers for me. The conclusion is interesting - suggesting that the rebellions pushed forward the reform act through the fear by the ruling classes that a link up between the countryside and towns could cause a revolution. The labourers were also very effective at stopping the use of machines, destroying more than the Luddies and stopping their use for decades. They conclude that the rioters were far more powerful than most have given them credit for, just hamstrung by their own inhibitions and lack of better organisation. They make a convincing argument for looking again at the countryside in history as a source of discontent and rebellious activity when it has too often been ignored for just the towns - with history drawing a complete veil over country life for the average person.

One thing I'll complain about - they say that some people have seen it as accelerating "the decline of their class into that slow moving, ox like, passive and demoralized mass, a sort of native southern Negro community, which was all that so many of their Victorian superiors saw in the English villages". Even though it's partially describing other people's views, it still talks about race in what is to me a pretty crappy way and it glosses over the long history of slave revolts in the USA, which is crappy/racist and also a shame in a book looking at another group of people often presented as passive.

Still, overall it's a great book about an interesting and little-talked about topic that deserves more attention. Apologies for any incoherence
… (mere)
tombomp | Oct 31, 2023 |



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